‘Change We Can Believe In’: A Reflection on Barack Obama’s Relationship With the American Public
Barack Obama giving a speech
By Naomi Griffin
The landmarks of Barack Obama’s eight-year presidency, be it his historic status as the United States’ first African American president, reformative approach to the ‘War on Terror’ or unprecedented commitment to LGBT rights, all represented a greater affinity with the needs of the public. Whilst the curation of ‘Brand Obama’ constructed an approachable image through social media usage and (an estimated 1.95 million!) photographs from inside the White House, his progressive policies suggest that connection with the public was more than a propaganda ploy.
The idea that a president should be in tune with the views of the public seems rudimentary. This was especially true for the 2008 election as candidates faced discontented American voters amidst the world’s worst economic recession since the Great Depression and drastically decreasing support for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. A clear sign of their desire for change, by election day President George W. Bush’s approval rating was just 28% (for comparison, by the 2016 election day Obama’s was still 57%). Obama, with his succinct slogan ‘Change We Can Believe In’, embraced these calls on the very face of his campaign. Jeffrey Goldberg’s hugely insightful article ‘The Obama Doctrine’ highlights that his slogan remained a point of consideration throughout his terms, particularly in relation to foreign policy and his controversial reluctance to intervene in the Syrian Civil War. However, listening to their dissatisfaction was not the only way through which he engaged with the general public.
Famously unique to Obama was the acclaim of being the U.S.’ first African American president. Michael Eric Dyson’s The Black Presidency: Barack Obama and the Politics of Race in America portrays this as a milestone of progress for racial inclusivity; a clear fulfilment of the U.S.’ “most precious democratic ideals”. In addition to its symbolic significance, Obama’s candidacy resonated with the non-white population who were finally represented, as indicated by the unprecedented turnout for black, Hispanic and Asian voters – the overwhelming majority of whom voted for him. Though his election far from constituted an end to racial injustices - if anything, racial violence and police brutality increased in the 2010s – his ability to relate to and emphasise with them (as exhibited in a press release following the murder of Trayvon Martin: “[he] could have been me”) still reflected progress in federal attitudes towards public adversity. They made a stark difference from Ronald Reagan and the Republican party’s oft-called ‘assault on civil rights’ from only twenty years prior.
Whilst undeniably significant, naturally occurring features such as Obama’s race and inherited political tensions were not the only ways through which he connected with the public. According to Vox, many advocates regard him as “the most pro-LGBTQ president of all time”. This acclaim can be attributed to his repeal of the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell Act to allow open homosexuality in the military, the employment of the first openly transgender person to the White House, and the legalisation of same-sex marriage. However, the latter was not authorised directly by Obama himself but rather by the Supreme Court ruling Obergefell v Hodges, his declarations of support encouraged the transition of this sentiment from law to actual acceptance in society.
Descriptions sent to the New York Times from their readers highlight that Obama’s legacy is predominantly positive. Amidst debates around the success of his policies, the decency of his character prevails – as reiterated by his inclination to act in the public’s interest. Albeit not flawless, this decency is a fundamental requirement for authority a country can have confidence in.